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Ndugu KADIDI2
Mwanzo naomba nikupe shukran kwa kutoa nafasi kwenye blog yako ya jamii ya watanzania kwasababu ya mjadala huu muhimu.

Pili kadri mjadala unavozidi kuendelea ningependa kukufahamisha kwamba article ya Gitau Warigi ilikua inafuata mada ya article ya mhariri mwenzake wa Nation aitwaye Tom Mshindi.

Ingekua bora kama ungeposti article ya Tom Mshini pia ili uweze kupanua issues ambazo zinazungumziwa na wanaochangia kwa sasa kwenye blog yako.
Article ya Tom Mshindi pia inalalamikia kutowajibika kwa tanzania katika kutimiza halahala lile lengo la EAC and EAF.
Utaipata hapa:
http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/Opinion/-/

440808/464950/-/item/0/-/u4b275z/-/index.html
Shukrani ambassada wa Zain,
Mdau Jomo K

As Tanzania dithers, EA integration must roll on

By Tom Mshindi

In Summary

*The theory and experience of regional integration provides ample evidence that subordinating national interests to a supranational authority is not an easy feat.

*Tanzanian leaders argue that its people are not ready for the envisaged integration because its political and economic structures cannot manage the demands of integration.

*Tanzania wants to enjoy the advantage of having feet in both camps for as long as possible before it finally opts for one – probably SADCC – after wasting its neighbours’ valuable time.

It is regrettable but hardly surprising that Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda must now proceed with the East African regional integration project without Tanzania because it is scared about the implications of progressing with plans to set up a common market by 2010 and a political federation by 2015.

Tanzania’s unease was evident from early 2007 when results from the referendum conducted on the pace at which the integration should be conducted returned a verdict that its citizens saw no need for haste because their national systems and institutions were not quite ready to embrace East Africa as completely as the integration envisaged.

This is hardly surprising. The theory and experience of regional integration provides ample evidence that subordinating national interests to a supranational authority is not an easy feat even for countries that otherwise have plenty else in common.

The EU integration that started more than 30 years ago is still very much a work in progress. Had the initial signatories of the European Union waited until all eligible members were ready, they would still be waiting.

A decision from the rest of the Eastern African countries to proceed without Tanzania will not, therefore, be seen as a betrayal of the EA spirit. Tanzania should be free to make decisions that it feels are in its best interest just as the other countries are free to do.
For them, however, those interests are best served by creating an entity whose sum total is bigger than its individual units – economically, politically and socially.
Tanzania does not advance a compelling case why it is getting cold feet so late into the process.
Its fears became apparent when the Wako Commission on the fast-tracking of the integration process proposed a formula that would see the political process rolled out parallel to the economic one.
Tanzanian leaders argue that its people are not ready for the envisaged integration because its political and economic structures cannot manage the demands of integration – which call for elimination of all trade barriers, allowing free movement of goods and services, and finally having a political federation.

Informally, Tanzanians will confess their main problem is Kenya’s stronger economy and the aggressive streak of its entrepreneurs. It is very concerned that Kenyan professionals will have an unfair advantage over Tanzanians.

This week, Tanzania’s East African Co-operation minister Diodorus Kamala told a meeting of private sector representatives in Arusha that his country would insist that non-citizens be barred from acquiring land.

Although he was quick to reassure his surprised audience that land for business purposes would still be available, the caveat he desires exposes a deep-seated and largely misplaced fear that citizens from one country – supposedly Kenya – will migrate en masse and inhabit Tanzania’s vast virgin land.

These reasons must be taken for what they are – belated excuses to delay a process whose potential benefits have been fully demonstrated.

It is tempting to agree with those arguing that Tanzania is suffering serious indecision over its status as a member of both the East African Cooperation project and SADCC.

It wants to enjoy the advantage for having feet in both camps for as long as possible before it finally opts for one – probably SADCC – after wasting its neighbours’ valuable time.

It must have been very clear for Tanzania that regional integration comes with a cost, and none larger than the cost of surrendering some autonomy and opening up its doors to allow the infusion of resources and competition from its neighbours.

It should also know that Kenya's industrialists are not going to close shop and wait for their neighbours to raise their production sophistication levels before they can compete.

Tanzania should have devised a strategy that enables its industrialists to benefit from partnering with others who will set up shop there. It should be using this time to expose its professionals to skills and work attitudes that raise their competitiveness – just as Uganda and Rwanda are doing.